My friend disappeared, not on msn, not on Facebook, I kept what’s-upping him he wouldn’t reply, but the fact that the messages were marked as read assured me that he’s fine. He’s probably busy I thought to myself. Then he showed up on Facebook, logged out too fast, damn I missed him by a second! Oh well, if he was on Facebook then he must be all right, he’s just busy, I reassured myself. I was busy too you know, don’t judge me! Although I feel like such a bad friend right now, but I really was busy. The situation continued, until a few hours ago, when I noticed him online on my msn list, “Great, finally” I thought and I said “X?” but it wasn’t X who replied, the answer came “his sister”, something is not right! “Where is he? is he okay?” I asked, she answered that he’s fine, and that he’ll be back soon. Wait a minute, back from where? I asked about where he was, she replied with a smile face, the dull smiley face msn messenger has. That’s when it struck me, she didn’t even have to say a word, I immediately asked when, she answered that it was 2 weeks ago. My friend has been in prison for 2 weeks? The horrible stories I’ve heard about torture in Bahraini prisons are all coming back to me right now. What are they doing to him? Is he all right? So many questions I couldn’t find answers to. I felt that his sister was either too upset or too scared to mention details of the arrest, so I just stopped asking questions. I have no idea why he was arrested or how, on what charges, no idea at all. I keep wondering if he’s getting proper food, he sure loved to eat. He’s a funny guy, very nice, keeps to himself, he didn’t do anything wrong at all, he might have joined protests, which is not wrong or illegal, and they have no way to prove it even if it was illegal according to them. So like many Bahrainis today, my dear friend is behind bars for no valid reason at all.

So that’s how things go around here. Your close friends disappear, you call them and get no answers, you text them and they don’t reply, you wonder what’s going on, only to find out later they got arrested. That’s my story in brief, one of many others in Bahrain, just a random story of a random person.

Bahraini political prisoners are allowed absolutely no visits and 1 very short call (hardly a minute). Some of them are held for weeks before they even know what the charges against them are, normally some fabricated absurd charges that make no sense. They are subject to horrible torture by police and I even heard stories of rape! When will this end?

الحاج عباس. الغريب الصديق. رجل كبير في السن يبيع الماء عند إشارة مرورية! رجل يقف تحت شمس البحرين الحارقة ويعطي العطاشى في سياراتهم المكففة ومن وراء نافذات سياراتهم الداكنة. يمشي بهدود، يمشي عارجاً، يمشي ببساطة ويبيع الماء لمن في عمر أحفاده.
أسميه الغريب الصديق لأن عدد المرات التي رفعت يدي بالشكر له لعدم رغبتي في الشراء لا تُحصى. أسميه الغريب الصديق لأنني رأيته أكثر من رؤيتي لبعض من يعتبر قريباً لي. يا صديقي، ها أنا أسمع بإعتقالك وأتحسر على كل مرة رفعت يدي نافياً رغبتي في الشراء منك. حسرةً على كل مرة لم أكلمك فيها وأسألك عن حالك.
ليس لدي تأكيد على إعتقالك، وأتمنى عدم صحة الخبر. ولكن لا تزال تستحق هذه الرسالة. لأنك رجل شريف تعمل دون كلل وملل حتى وإن تقدم بك العمر. لأنني تعودت على رؤيتك تمر ما بين السيارات لتبيع قطرة ماء. لأنك رجلُ بريء يجسد كل الإنتهاكات. هذه الرسالة لك ولكل شرفاد هذا الوطن. لأنك تجسد كيف يعمل المرء في هذا البلد ويزخ العرق منه ليكافئ بالقيود في النهاية. يا عمي، يا إبن وطني، إن رأيتك في المرة القادمة سأقبل رأسك الحر. يا إبن وطني، إن كنت حراِ أتمنى إن تصلك هذه الرسالة وتعرف قيمتك لوجه حفظ ملامحك قبل أن يعرف إسمك. وإن كنت ولا سمح الله معتقلاً، فاللهم فك قيده وقيد كل أسير.
هذه قصة واحدة، من قصص البحرين الجريحة. المزيد قادم.

Al Haj Abass, the friendly stranger

An old man sells water next to the traffic lights.
A man who stands under the burning sun of Bahrain, handing water to the thirsty drivers who are sitting behind their tinted windows.
He limps slowly and walks simply.
And sells water for people who are the same age as his grandsons.

I call him the friendly stranger.
Because the number of times I raised my hands saying “no thanks” is uncountable.
I call him the friendly stranger because I saw him more often then I saw my own relatives.
Oh my dear friend I heard you have been detained, I feel sorry for every time I raised my hands saying no thanks, refusing to buy your water and refusing to ask how are you.

I’m not sure if you are detained or not.
And I wish it’s not true.
But still you deserve this message
Because you are an honest man who works hard even when are old in age.
Also because I get used to see you sailing those drops of water among cars.
Because you are the man provoking all violations.

This message is for you and for all the honest men of this country.
You symbolize how a person works in this country and sweat to be rewarded with restrictions in the end .
To you my uncle and to you the son of my country.
If I see you the next time I will kiss your forehead.
My son of my country.
If you are free I wish for you to see this message to realize the value of knowing the songs of your face before your name.
And if you were detained and a prisoner, I ask Allah to set you free and set every prisoner in this country free.

This was one story from Bahrain and more to come.

[Editor's Note: This video has been sourced from an anonymous YouTube account, and specific details cannot be confirmed. The exact date of filming cannot be confirmed, however the publish date appears to be April 30, 2011.]

[Editor's Note: This video has been sourced from an anonymous YouTube account, and specific details cannot be confirmed. The exact date of filming cannot be confirmed, however the publish date appears to be April 28, 2011.]

[Editor's Note: This video has been sourced from an anonymous YouTube account, and specific details cannot be confirmed. It alleges to be images of Bahrain police and unknown individuals in plainclothes engaged in operations in Al Deer village on April 29, 2011]

It simply breaks my heart, that people are there are actually celebrating this unjust death sentence. It breaks my heart that fellow Bahrainis that we have lived with, worked with and probably shared happy and pleasant moments with are celebrating a death sentence to 4 innocent young Bahraini men! Where are we headed to? This government has used the divide and conquer rule so very well, they have spread so much hate! Are we damaged beyond repair?
How are Bahrainis living together with one side mourning their dead and another side cheering for the murderer? It’s a huge disappointment, it’s the shock of my life, I never thought people would actually go this far. Should I really believe this? I don’t know. So, I have come up with a theory though, that this is government doing, they are trying to increase the hate inside of us, to feed our rage, to widen the gap between Bahraini citizens. And I decided not to allow them to succeed, I refuse to believe that normal Bahraini citizens are doing this, simply because Bahrainis are too kind at heart to do it! I wish people would see behind the government lies and propaganda, and wake up! The regime benefits and feeds its power from our divide, because in our unity we can get our democracy and freedom.

Bahrain’s revolutionists have different and diverse levels of demands. Maybe this diversity is what makes us so special. I will explain my demands and how they have developed with the government’s behavior.

On Feb 14th, I wasn’t even in Bahrain, I was away for 3 days when all this started. My perception for what we wanted as citizens was a better life, solutions for unemployment and housing problems, putting an end to naturalization and things of this sort. And I was told that the revolution started with very simple reform demands too, but after being met with such force and cruelty everything changed. We already knew this, but the government’s actions only assured us more, that we have no freedom whatsoever in this country. We were not allowed to demand anything, or speak up against the government, it was some kind of taboo. Angered by this assurance, I started thinking we need dignity first, we need freedom first, before we could demand our rights to jobs or such things that seemed to be so simple now. The story is, all the issues in Bahrain such as poverty, unemployment, naturalization and more are a result of the absolute power the royal family has over this country. So now, we needed to be free of this power, we needed to limit their power, because they don’t own this country neither do they own us. The demands then moved to a constitutional monarchy along with other demands like investigations in the huge lands owned by the royals, more emphasis on the naturalization issues and more importantly sacking the prime minister. The prime minister Khalifa has been in his position for 40 years, it’s quite known in Bahrain that he has taken from this country’s wealth more than anyone should and we just had enough of it. Some opposition members demanded a republic, but I was totally against that, I thought it was exaggerating.

The new demands were met with harsh force and brutality as people have witnessed through youtube videos and reports on TV. Then the Saudi forces came in complicating things even more! more people were killed, hundreds of Bahraini citizens were arrested and hundreds more lost their jobs because of their religious sect and political opinion. The government started demolishing shiite mosques with the excuse that they weren’t authorized, and claims they demolished a couple of sunni ones too to validate their argument. Another important point to mention is brutal torture in Bahrain’s prisons which was proved after 4 prisoners died behind bars in less than 2 weeks, and their bodies showed signs of terrible torture. With all this happening, I can only believe that the king and prime minister of Bahrain are brutal criminals that should be punished for their actions. They no longer deserve to be the royal family of Bahrain. I would still settle for a constitutional monarchy as my main demand, where we could elect a prime minister and be fairly represented in the government. And my other demands would be putting an end to political naturalization and investigating the lands owned by royals and getting back our rights from them. But it is my dream, that these criminals would be punished for their bad deeds, I call it a dream because right now it seems so far from happening specially because the US government is turning a blind eye to what’s going on here simply because our king is their ally.

One of the most difficult moments of my life, was when I found my beloved mother’s picture on a Facebook page, that claims to expose “traitors” of the country! These pages have become very popular in Bahrain recently. They are started by pro-government people who post pictures from rallies, protests and gatherings related to the recent uprising and they ask for names and personal information about the people in the pictures. Some people submit more pictures of people they already know with their names and information, and identify people from the pictures displayed. Some of the people who were supposedly exposed on these pages really got arrested by the government forces. Even though my mother’s name was not written, it was a very clear picture and anyone who knows her will identify her and write her name down. I felt my world fall apart, crying hysterically and tweeting to people to report this evil page, while reporting my mom’s picture several times. I kept reporting the picture till it completely vanished from the page. I felt a rush of momentarily relief, only to be reminded that whoever has this picture, can simply upload it again. My mother is no activist, she didn’t do anything, she’s a regular person, a housewife, a Bahraini citizen who demanded her rights and a lovely mother. I can never imagine her in Bahraini prisons. The thought is simply driving me crazy. I am now haunted by a picture of my mother in a peaceful protest.

A group of Bahraini people decided to start a 3-day hunger strike. And so I’ve decided to join.Here are the reasons why I feel I have to do this:

1. Moral support for Mohammed Al-Daaysi and Zainab Al-khawaja who went on hunger
strike to protest the arrest of some of their family members.

2. To protest the arrest of hundreds of Bahraini citizens just because they protested fortheir rights.

3. To protest the torture of prisoners in Bahraini prisons. Torture is inhuman and is notacceptable under any circumstances. It has to stop immediately. Four Bahraini citizensdied in prison and their bodies showed signs of torture.

4. To demand the stolen rights of the political prisoners. They are not allowed to contacttheir families, no visitations and do not have lawyers. There were no arrest warrenspresented and no reasons at the time of their arrest.

5. Hundreds of Bahraini citizens where sacked from their jobs because of their politicalopinions and because they participated in anti-government protests. And after thismore Bahraini families will be going to bed hungry because they can’t afford dinneranymore.

6. Because Bahrain is not a safe place. You can get arrested, shot at, suffocate by tear-gasany time in shiite villages.

7. Because there is no other form of protest that I can do now in Bahrain and not get arrested, and if I am to end up in the hospital because of this I might get arrested because the ministry of interior must be informed if I get IV drip.

8. I only have freedom of speech and expression in Bahrain as long as I do NOT speak against the government or royal family in any way.

9. Because University of Bahrain dismissed 200 students for political reasons and promises to dismiss more.

10. Because the murderers of our beloved martyrs are still free and remain unpunished.

The 14th February Uprising

Bahrain has been witnessing an uprising since 14th February 2011, the eruption of whichhad been signaled by a plea on Facebook two weeks before. The plea promoted twoslogans: one, that the protests should be of peaceful nature, and second, that the aimwas to topple the regime. Both were in line with their precedents in Tunisia and Egypt,and the popular expression “The People Want the Fall of the Regime“ (ash-sha’b yuridisqat al-nizam). The call came from anonymous persons, but thousands of Bahraininssupported the plea on the Facebook group entitled “14th February Bahrain Revolution”.

The “legal” opposition, namely those oppositional political organizations that enjoylicensing from the government, were perplexed but supported the right to peacefulprotests. Two of them, both of them important ones, the Shia-Islamist Al-Wefaq NationalIslamic Society and the leftist Waad – National Democratic Action Society supported theplea openly in order to avoid a possible rift with the so-called 14th February Youth. Thenon-licensed opposition groupings, namely the dynamic Al-Haq Movement for Libertyand Democracy and the Al-Wafa Islamic Trend, were part of the group that initiated14th February. Hence, the opposition of all shades was in agreement with the uprising,despite differences on the agenda and means of protests.

The first days of the uprisings (14 – 17 February) witnessed increasingly dramaticdevelopments, which led to an unprecedented situation in the country. None of theconcerned parties, neither the opposition nor the security establishment, governmentor the general public expected such a large turnout of protesters amid tight securitymeasures. Tens of thousands showed up in defiance. Despite the peaceful nature ofthe protests, it was quelled with ruthless force resulting in deaths and tens of causalitiesamong the protesters. The funeral of a victim at Al-Daih village east of the island’scapital Manama on 15th February was massive. Thousands advanced towards near theso-called Lulu (eng: Pearl) roundabout1 in Manama. The circle is a vital intersection ofBahrain’s roads network, with empty areas around to accommodate thousands of cars.These areas came to the advantage of the protesters. They seized the roundabout and renamed it, in commemoration of the killed, “Martyr’s Circle“.

The army and security forces waged a dawn raid against the Circle, killed severalpersons and wounded hundreds, including medical staff. Waves of protesters advancedtowards the Circle, and finally, after heavy civilian causalities, gathered there again onthe afternoon of 19th February. The US pressed the Bahraini authorities to withdraw thearmy and called for restraint in the use of force. The ordered withdrawal from the Circlecaused the collapse of security morals, and the troops fled from the advancing masses.

Its official name is the GCC-Roundabout (GCC = Gulf Cooperation Council).

Since this point in time, the Circle became the center for the uprising’s activities, similarto Al-Tahrir square in Cairo. Successive funeral processions galvanized wider protests.With time, protests spread to other parts of the country, bringing hundreds of thousandsto the streets. A new tactic that evolved in order to enforce demands was to targetparticular ministries or government premises, to move the masses from the Circletowards them and to encircle them for hours. Among them were the Ministry of Interiorand the Council of Ministers, which were pressured specifically with the demand todismiss the Prime Minister.

The Background to the Protests

It is the island’s majority Shia population, accounting for around 70% for the population,2that has been particularly disenfranchised by the regime’s discriminatory policies. It isimportant to note, though, that dissatisfaction with authoritarian rule, corruption , andeconomic stagnation cuts across sectarian divisions. Attempts to mobilize oppositiongo back more than ten years after mostly Shiites, but also Sunnis protested against thelack of political participation and systemic discrimination and corruption during what hasbecome known as the1994-1998 intifada. The response of the government was violent, and thousands ofprotesters were detained and opposition leaders expelled.

At the beginning of the new millennium then Emir Sheikh Hamad Bin Issa Al-Khalifa(who in 2002 declared himself king), promised reforms that would end the politicalrepression that marked the 1990s and that would transform Bahrain’s absolutemonarchy into a constitutional one. Instead, however, he established a shamparliamentary system and self-handedly issued a constitution that monopolized powerin the hands of the elites. The already existing discrimination against the majority Shiitepopulation that runs through all sectors of society was even more institutionalized.A consultative council, appointed by the king, can block any legislation issued bythe elected lower house. Electoral districts were set up in a way that limited Shiiterepresentation. All these steps that contradicted his promises and served to exacerbatepopular hostility.

Both Al-Wifaq and Al-Waad boycotted the 2002 elections. In 2006, however, theopposition suddenly decided to run for parliamentary elections with the aim tochange politics from “within”, which led to the emergence of other, more effective andconfrontative platforms for political opposition, including the Al-Haq Movement for Libertyand Democracy, which came to enjoy broad legitimacy in the population but werebrutally repressed up to this day.

In the framework of its controversial “naturalization policy,” the Bahraini regime is since along time recruiting Sunni foreigners (including non-Bahraini Arabs and Pakistanis) into the army and police and granting them citizenship, while the majority Shiite populationremains largely excluded from the countries’ security forces. This policy has beendeliberately stepped up with the uprising during the 1990s in order to avoid defectionsfrom security ranks, and has hence alienated the Shiite population even further. The Sunni-Shia ratio may have shifted as a result of the regime’s naturalisation policy of Sunni foreigners.

The Actors of 14th February

The forces for change were a blend of the 14th February initiators, political oppositiongroups, civil society coalitions, and professional associations and unions, mixed Shiiteand Sunnite. Despite the broad diversity in nature, positions, agendas and organization,there was a general consensus on the need for a radical change. The slogan “No Shia,no Sunnis, only Bahrainis” reflected the broad rejection of the regime’s attempts toportray the opposition as sectarian. The forces of change could be categorized into twogroups:

The first group was formed of the 14th February Youth , the unlicensed opposition (Al-Haq , Al-Wafa, and Al-Ahrar), and large number of protesters who called for the fall ofthe Al-Khalifa rule, and thus refused the dialogue with the regime.

The second group included the licensed seven opposition associations (Al-Wefaq, Al-Waad, Al-Minbar al-Taqaddumi, Al-Tajammu’ al-Qawmi , Al-Tajammu’ al-Watani, Al-Ikha’ and Al-Amal) and those civil society coalitions, who demanded a truly constitutionalmonarchy and opted for conditional dialogue with the regime, after it meet certainpreconditions and guarantees. These included the dismissal of the government andthe formation of a national coalition interim government, the security of the protesters,release of all prisoners of conscience, and an independent investigation into the attacksand abuses committed by the security forces.

A Growing Sectarian Rift

Apart from applying brute force, the regime moved to rally its supporters, mainly Sunniloyalists, for a counter-rally at Al-Fateh mosque and surroundings after the Friday prayeron 25th February. More pro-regime rallies and demonstrations followed in differentSunni-dominated districts.

Despite immense differences in size, sequence, and commitment of the oppositionone the one hand and loyalist manifestations on the other, the sectarian Sunni-Shiiterift increasingly threatened to divert the conflict away from its original course. Severalsectarian skirmishes, both verbal and physical, occurred, in which Sunni Arabs that weregranted Bahraini citizenship by regime’s naturalization policy, participated actively.

This motivated the political opposition and Shia clerics to urge their public not to respondto these attacks, and address the Bahrainis at large to denounce sectarianism and topreserve national unity. The official television and radio, as well as Sunni sectarianchannels and websites loyal to the power elite, however promoted and exacerbatedsectarianism animosities and in particular anti-Shiism.

Responses by the Regime

During the course of events, some important developments unfolded:
After its onslaught on Pearl Roundabout, the regime refrained of using force againstprotesters and the anti-riot police, which terrorized people and quelled protests, waswithdrawn from the streets. On 22 and 23 February 2011, more than 200 persons,mainly human rights defenders who were charged and convicted , including 25 whowere on trial for very serious charges such as terrorism and plotting to overthrow theking, were released. 91 convicted activists remained behind bars.

King Hamad announced a gift of 1,000 Bahraini Dinars (approx. 2,600 US dollars) foreach family, and the creation of 20,000 jobs. A grand plan to construct 50,000 newhousing units in order to fulfill growing demands was also declared. A partial cabinetreshuffle took place, in which four ministers, including two belonging to Al-Khalifa familylost their (Minister of Housing and Cabinet Minister )and two Sonny ministers (Ministerof Electricity & Water and Minister of Health) and were assigned to other ministers,including two new minister, a Sheit Minister of Labor and a Sonny Cabinet Minister. TheCouncil of Ministers promised solving the chronic problems of unemployment, housingand other social issues

HM The king also assigned his son, Crown Prince Amir Sheikh Salman, to engagein a dialogue with all the relevant parties, in order to achieve a political solution to thecrisis. At the same time, however the regime consolidated the National Unity Bloc, aloyal political Sonny bloc, in order to counter the opposition block under one umbrella.The prominent Sonny cleric Sheikh Abdulatif Al-Mahmud, who publicly denounced theprotests a “threat to the very existence of Sunnis”, was appointed as the head, and allstate support and patronage networks were rendered to its service.
Socio-economic Appeasement vs. Political Demands

HRH The Crown Prince delegated envoys who met , the leadership of the sevenlicensed opposition political on 11th. March , with proposal for the dialogue .They responded with their vision for the dialogue . He also addressed the Sonny NationalUnity Block (NUB) and several public associations inviting them to send their visions onthe dialogue. The major ones did submit their visions, either as blocs or as individuals.There was a general consensus among the pro-change ones on the necessarypreconditions for a dialogue, as well as on the terms of the dialogue of the collectivenegotiation process. The regime was opposed to accept some of the pre-conditions ,such as to dismiss the government , to form an interim government of nationalconsensus and to draw new constitution by constituent assembly. On the other hand theNUB responded by proposing an agenda of the dialogue , that includes some reforms ,
but no pre-conditions or constitutional change.

The positions of the regime and the opposition on the major issues were so far apart,and the gap of confidence between the regime and the forces for change, especiallythe opposition bloc, widened so much that the opposition started to seek internationalguaranties, thus welcomed the Kuwaiti mediation initiative that would provide suchguarantees.

On 6 March 2011, thousands of protesters surrounded the Qodebia Palace, the PrimeMinister’s office, and demanded his resignation. On state television on the afternoonof that day, the Crown Prince admitted the gravity of the crisis and offered his visionof solving it through dialogue with all parties, including the 14 February Youth. Yet, hisspeech was short of an indication that the radical changes demanded by the oppositionwould be addressed.

He refused the demand of dismissing the government and forming a coalitiongovernment, and opposed processions outside the Pearl Roundabout. Instead, hestressed the need to satisfy the demands for jobs, housing, and other socio-economicneeds, which could be met with the GCC Marshall Plan which was underway to supportOman and Bahrain to overcome the roots of unrest, through the improvement of livingconditions, job opportunities and housing schemes. What he, and the other Gulf rulers,did not realize was that the root of the protests is a political one and the quest for dignity across all the GCC states.

Between Negotiated Settlement and Security Crackdown

The race between a negotiated settlement and the security crackdown was acceleratingamid grave risks. The three un-registered movements (Al-Haq, Al-Wafa and Al-Ahrar)raised the stakes after the exiled Al-Haq leader Hasan Musheme returned from his exilein the UK after the royal amnesty was issued.

On 11 March at the Paerl Roundabout , he announced the formation of the Alliance forthe Republic, composed of Al-Haq, Al-Wafa, and Al-Ahrar. This happened in agreementwith the 14th February movement, and fueld the demand for bringing down the regimeinstead of reforming it , among the protesters and the Shiite community at large. Thiswas contrary to the proclaimed demand by the six registered opposition associations (aseventh, Al-Amal, had joined the other camp) to reform the regime. The trend among themasses shifted in favor of the forces with more radical demands.

On the ground, the anti-reform camp expanded its realm and heightened its demands.Its followers occupied part of the Financial Harbor business hub, and closed King Faisalroad, a vital route connecting Muhraq island, via business and government ministriesareas, with highways and roads to the rest of the country, and eventually to Saudi-Arabia. In addition to that, every day, a march against a ministry or official agency wasorganized to paralyze their functioning and press for their demands. The pressure wasintensified with the radical groups declaring civil disobedience. The Teachers Societycalled for the strike in the education sector. It was facilitated by arson attacks that pro-security militia launched at Shiite students at Bahrain University and other schools.The safety of Shiite protesters and population was increasingly at risk due to militiasand security checkpoints. The strike in the education sector was followed by a call for ageneral strike, issued by the Bahrain Trade Union. This, in addition to roads blocks andsecurity threats created a chaotic situation and caused massive economic losses.

Amid this frenzy atmosphere, the squabble among the opposition forces prevailed.The crown prince put forward a “last offer” to the opposition through a meeting of anofficial delegation with the leaders of the registered opposition. It claimed to respond tosome basic demands of the opposition, such as the establishment of a representativegovernment, a fair electoral system, a fully powered parliament, and an investigationinto the naturalization policy. It fell however short of their pre-requisites of the dialogue.These included the dismissal of the government, the formation of interim government,the security of the protesters , the formation of investigation committee into events,anew constitution by constituent assembly and a time table of impledentation. Bowing tothe pressure of the radical groups and frenzy protesters, the registered opposition didnot engage in the dialogue according to the crown prince’s initiative. The negotiatedsettlement slipped away, and the security resolve was imminent.

Saudi-Emirati Military Intervention and Crack-downs

On 15th March, around Saudi-Emirate Forces , alongside Kuwaiti naval unit belongingto GCC Peninsula Shield (Dera Al-Jazeera) rolled into Bahrain across the Saudi-Bahraini causeway. It was mainly infantry and armored force that was deployedin key positions and vital areas. This was both designed as a clear warning to theBahraini opposition, and to free the Bahrain Defense Force (BDF) to carry securityoperations along with security forces. The opposition did not realize the significanceof this development. Instead of taking the initiative of clearing the roads and the PearlRoundabout voluntarily, they organized anti-Saudi protests and issued a condemnationof the invasion.

On the morning of 17th March, joint BDF and security forces with GCC forces backingin vicinity, launched massive attack against the protesters occupying Lulu Circle, KingFaisal Road and the Financial Harbor, and cleared the area in a ”cleansing operation“,according to BDF spokesman. On the same day the State of Emergency was decreedby King Hamad, thus granting the High Commander of The Armed Forces full power touse the army and security forces to impose security. Eventually the pearl (actually theGCC) monument was brought down in order to erase “the bad memories” according tothe Minister of Foreign Affairs, Sheikh Khalid Al-Khalifa.

This opened an unprecedented political campaign against the opposition, even theregistered seven, activists, and the Shiite community at large. The forces involved werethe armed forces, the security, the intelligence and militias. Tens were assassinated,and hundreds were detained or simply “disappeared”. Among those arrested werethe leaders of the opposition, including Ebrahim Sharef, a secular Sunni and leader of Waad; Hassan Mesheme, the leader of Al-Haq; and Abdul-Wahab Hosen, leader of Al-Wafa; as well as numerous political and human rights activists, physicians, paramedics,bloggers, and people of all walks of life. Officials call to sanction of the oppositionalassociations, to hold accountable its leaders and cadres for their “crimes against the country and the people”, to penalize strikers by dismissal or other measures. A processto recruit expatriates in order to replace dismissed employees and workers is already in swing.

This is accompanied by sectarian propaganda attacks. Shia beliefs and the Shiites’loyalty to the ruling families of the GCC, particularly Bahrain, is being questioned, andthey are portrayed as plotters, saboteurs and clients to Iran. One of the worst outcomesis the collective punishment of the Shiite population and their districts. Operations ofsiege, search, arrests and attacks are in full swing. Shiites are even being threatenedto be evicted from mixed Shiite-Sunnite neighborhoods. The premises of the oppositionas well as the residencies of some of its leaders are being attacked and burned down by militias.

Gloomy Scenarios

It is already grave that, despite the attempts of the opposition to represent theirmovement as a national instead of a sectarian one, the protests are being discreditedas a Shiite-sectarian agitation. The other dangerous development is that the uprisingin Bahrain is increasingly being portrayed as part of a plot mastered by Iran and theLebanese Hezbollah, targeting the GCC region as a whole. Fancy allegations of secretmilitary cells and arms are proclaimed by Bahraini officials and echoed in the Gulf.Gulf Air and Bahrain Air had suspended their flights to Lebanon,Iraq and Iran.Dueto travel ban to Lebanon, Bahraini nationals who visit Lebanon have to fear reprisals.Consequently, a campaign to expel alleged pro-Hezbollah Lebanese Shiites as well aspro-Iran Pasdran has been launched in Bahrain, but might spread to other GCC memberstates.

Saudi-Arabia, on which Bahrain strongly depends, is not only supporting the oppressionof the uprising militarily, but also pressuring the Bahraini King to contain Shiite andopposition demandsThere was slim hope which was the official Kuwaiti initiative of Emir Sobah Al-Jaber Al-Sobah, of mediation between the Bahraini Rule and the registered opposition , headedby Al-Wefaq, and to engage into a dialogue as envisioned by Crown Prince AmirSalaman Al-Khalifa , however according to his terms this time. Eventually the Kuwaitisabandoned their initiative facing official Bahraini refusal

It will take a miracle to recover the national unity of the Bahraini people. The hopes fora constitutional monarchy are dashed away, while grim authoritarian rule will prevailfor years. It appears likely that the opposition will be further marginalized and thepersecution of the Shiite population will continue.